| Peter Jones; From
Literary Review, September 2008.
‘Empire’ derives from the Latin imperium,
meaning ‘the
power to give orders’ and, by implication, enforce them. In the 5thC
AD the Roman empire in the West lost that power. Since its constituent
peoples could now ignore imperial commands with impunity, the empire was
at an end.
In 1984 a German scholar helpfully listed the 210 reasons which had been
advocated for the fall of that empire - from moral decline to over-hot
public baths to gout. The root reasons were, in fact, military and economic.
Germanic tribes to the north of the empire’s Rhine-Danube frontier
had been prodding away at the empire for hundreds of years but had, on
the whole, been easily repelled. But by the 4^th C they had coalesced into
more powerful groupings. The turning-point came in AD 376 when tribes of
nomadic Huns, savage fighting forces on horseback that Kelly argues are
more likely to have had their origins in modern Kazakhstan than Mongolia,
started moving west, driving all before them.
The reason for this migration is obscure, but the result was that Germanic
tribes in the Black Sea region – Goths – started escaping en
masse across Roman frontiers, sometimes by force, sometimes by agreement,
sometime by a mixture of both. Not that the Huns themselves seemed to have
had that, or indeed any, particular goal in mind. From AD 370-410 their
tribes moved piecemeal across Europe from the Ukraine to Romania and West
Hungary, disrupting peoples and causing general havoc on the Roman frontiers
as they went. Eventually the Hun tribes became settled in the Great Hungarian
Plain in the heart of Europe. From that position of strength, they changed
tactics, no longer attacking at random and leaving trails of destruction
behind them but demanding regular tribute from agricultural communities
against the threat of reprisals. It was, as Kelly summarises it, ‘a
protection racket on a grand scale’.
But the Roman empire was not a pushover. For the tactic to work, the Huns
needed to unite their disparate tribes and work to a common goal. They
required, in other words, a leader who commanded lasting and unquestioned
allegiance. That man was Attila, flagellum Dei, ‘the scourge
of God’, who created and controlled a Hun empire between AD 435 and
453. Not that his empire was in any sense a constructive, let alone civilising
force such as Romans could reasonably claim of theirs. Booty and captives
were its beginning and end.
These Hun-generated frontier upheavals caused hundreds of thousands of
Germanic peoples to enter the western Roman empire and spread widely across
it into France, Spain and North Africa. Unsurprisingly, the empire could
not cope either politically (by means of settlements and alliances) or
militarily with these Germanic influxes on its north and eastern boundaries.
Nor was it helped by the fact that, in order to control the vast area it
covered - from Britain to Iraq, from the Rhine-Danube to Egypt and the
Atlas mountains – the empire had been carved up into an eastern and
western region under emperors who frequently did not see eye to eye. As
a result, taxes that formerly went to the centre to pay for the army to
deal with revolt and maintain control now stayed local, paid to the leaders
of the new Germanic kingdoms. It was a vicious circle, and in AD 476 the
last, imperium-less emperor was quietly pensioned off.
So Attila, for all the chaos he caused and terror he evoked, was only one
player in the empire’s demise. Powerful as the Huns were – they
crossed the Danube in AD 408, 422, 434, 441-2, 447, and invaded France
in AD 450 and North Italy in 451 - Attila generally avoided large-scale
confrontation in order to play his more lucrative game of Danegeld. Nor
did the Huns attempt to settle inside the empire, as the Germanic tribes
did so effectively, many learning Roman styles of government and law-making.
When Attila died of nosebleed on (yet another) wedding night, his ‘empire’ soon
collapsed.
Christopher Kelly, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, gives a
fine account of this complex story, unpicking its strands cleanly and persuasively.
He is particularly instructive on the 5th C AD bureaucrat and historian
Priscus, who was (unwittingly) involved in a plot by the eastern Roman
emperor Theodosius to assassinate Attila, and subsequently wrote it all
up in great detail. It involved bribing Edeco, one of Attila’s bodyguards,
with fifty pounds of gold. The problem was getting the gold to Edeco without
causing the suspicious Attila to smell a rat. So Theodosius – or
rather his eunuch Chrysaphius – set up an embassy entirely ignorant
of the plot to pay court to Attila and create an innocent reason for the
transfer of the money. It included Priscus. Unfortunately, Edeco had spilled
the beans to his master …
This is a wonderful story, all the more amusing because Attila soon becomes
aware that the embassy is wholly ignorant of the real reason for its mission
and therefore toys with it mercilessly while it tries to work out what
the hell is going on, before stomping off back home in frustration. Unfortunately,
only excerpts from Priscus’ fascinating account survive – very
good on the problems of travel through alien cultures - but they are enough
to reveal Priscus’ admiration for many aspects of Attila’s
court. The point is that Romans (like Greeks) tended to regard all barbarians,
especially those from far-away places, as moronic, uncultured, misshapen
sub-humans without a brain-cell between them. Priscus, however, was surprised
and impressed by many aspects of their artistic taste and subtle and cultivated
social and diplomatic skills. In other words, he saw beyond the crude stereotypes
and, while not hesitating to regard Attila and co. as ‘the enemy’,
was prepared to raise questions about the morality of a Roman court willing
to use diplomatic immunity to cover up an assassination attempt. Similar
challenges, as Kelly concludes, still face us today.
Attila the Hun by Christopher
Kelly (Bodley Head)
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